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Relativism and the Rise of Big Government in America
by James R. Birrell, Ed.D.
Associate Professor of Teacher Education, BYU

(Click here to read the earlier articles to which this question refers: The Rise of Relativism and the Decline of Freedom and Virtue in America Relativism, New Meaning of Tolerance in America’s Culture Wars . and Relativism and America’s Culture Wars)

In the end more than they wanted freedom they wanted security and a comfortable life. And they lost all security, comfort and freedom. The Athenians finally wanted not to give to society, but for society to give to them. When the freedom they wished for most was the freedom from responsibility, then Athens ceased to be free. Sir Edward Gibbons, The Rise and Fall of the Roman Empire.


Introduction

This is my fourth article on the influence of relativism (a rejection of absolute truth) on life in America. Previously, I have asserted that relativism is, at its core, the same anti-Christ, pro-humanist doctrine that the radical Korihor promoted on this continent long ago, and was reintroduced to America in the equally radical but more effective social revolution of the ‘60’s and ‘70’s. Relativist revolutions change people and cultures. History illustrates clearly that the consequences of relativism are- among other things, an increase in social disorder, the rejection of Christian religion, and a devaluing of traditional values, the effects of which unavoidably impact the scope and role of law and government in a nation. In this article, I will argue that relativism has contributed to an expanse of government, which unavoidably translates to a decline of freedom in America.

Concerning our freedoms, the Constitution, we are told in a metaphorical way, will dangle by a lone thread. That should send chills down our collective spine, given the other half of that prophecy about our role in preserving this nation. Our freedoms are at risk because the very document intended to prevent runaway government- the Constitution, is being trampled on by forces- however sincere some may be, seeking to endlessly expand the role of government in our lives. And as government expands, it unavoidably-and often intentionally takes on new dimensions, altering itself into something different- a parent, not a servant of the people. Alexis de Tocqueville, author of Democracy in America, warned us of this possibility. He argued that increased dependency on government will not only change the nature of American government, it will change the nature of Americans. This segment and the next will discuss this change, specifically our decline into socialism, also commonly called democratic socialism or social justice.


Government and Dependency

After overhearing his parents pray for financial assistance, a young boy wrote a letter to God saying, “Dear God. My family needs help. Please send $100.00 today. Love, Tommy.” The letter made its way to the dead letter file in Washington, D.C. where a postal worker opened and read it. Moved by compassion, he took five dollars from his wallet and mailed it off to Tommy. A few days later, a second letter from Tommy made its way into the postal worker’s hands. It read, “Dear God. Thank you for the money. Next time, please don’t send it through Washington. They kept ninety-five percent of it.”

Who would argue that D.C. does not take too much of our money? And it is our money- government is not a wage earner; there is no such thing as federal money. We earn it while government spends it, often on special interest factions that appeal to government today for an ever-larger share of our earnings to support their pet causes- however sincere or worthwhile. This creates dependency of D.C., expands governmental influence into our lives, robs us of more of our income through increased taxation, and is antithetical to the will of the Founders for America. Said James Madison:

I cannot undertake to lay my finger on that article of the Constitution which granted a right to Congress of expending, on objects of benevolence, the money of their constituents (in Williams, 2000).

The Founding Fathers drafted the Constitution to limit government, expecting citizens to assume responsibility for their own lives (Elder, 2002). Of course a segment of society would require additional support from the masses; this was expected. For this reason, Thomas Jefferson believed that states- not the federal government, should address the needs of truly needy citizens. This would allow taxpaying citizens to determine the kinds of resources recipient citizens would receive from them, thus holding government accountable to taxpayers and avoiding taxation without representation. It would also hold recipients accountable to taxpayers. To do less, Jefferson believed, meant the risk of draining capital from the majority of citizens to support a system of coercion, corruption and privilege (Sheldon, 1998), a system we are well acquainted with.

The federal government, free of competition and too large for regulation, simply cannot account to the taxpayer for the effectiveness- or even the whereabouts of all the money taken from us each year. Moreover, if you look at programs and institutions that Americans are most often frustrated with- public education, postal services, welfare agencies, child services, Social Security and Medicare, farm and corporate subsidies, trade concessions and such, they are tax-funded, government-run entities. Government programs are hardly models of fiscal accountability and high efficiency. They take more, but they often cannot produce more. In fact, the over-extension of government into our lives has created problems that simply could not exist in free markets. Chief among those problems is the growing dependence on government, which continues to extend itself into the middle and upper classes.

In the book Democracy in America, the Frenchman Alexis de Tocqueville, after studying our nation in the 1830’s, argued that the United States would be a strong nation until Americans discovered that they could sup from the pubic troth. He worried that government’s inherent consumptive appetite would be fed by American’s willingness to be provided for- to get something for nothing; this would cost American’s their liberties. Like Jefferson, Tocqueville saw a large, expansive central government as a threat to democracy. Whereas Jefferson feared that a rich, powerful central government might too easily become detached from the people, and thus become corrupt and despotic (see Sheldon, 1998), Tocqueville worried that increased government regulation would create the very dependency among people that we see today. That dependency would change the kind of people we are. He wrote:

That power is absolute, minute, regular, provident, and mild. It would be like the authority of a parent if, like that authority, its object was to prepare men for manhood; but it seeks, on the contrary, to keep them in perpetual childhood….For their happiness such a government willingly labors, but it chooses to be the sole agent and the only arbiter of that happiness; it provides for their security, foresees and supplies their necessities, facilitates their pleasures, manages their principle concerns, directs their industries, regulates the descent of property, and subdivides their inheritances: what remains, but to spare them all the care of thinking and all the trouble of living?


He continues:

Thus it every day renders the exercise of the free agency of man less useful and less frequent; it circumscribes the will within a narrower range and gradually robs a man of all the uses of himself. The principle of equality has prepared men for these things; it has predisposed men to endure them and often to look on them as benefits (p. 318-319).

Both Jefferson and Tocqueville worried that as government grew, men would shrink from personal responsibility and ambition, which would rob them of virtue. Also, excessive centralized power would bring high taxes, oppressive government, and financial corruption as government was removed from close citizen accountability. The more a man asks of his government, the more his government takes from him. Once given away, man cannot recall the powers government now assumes. The cost of excessive government, then, is the excessive loss of freedom and income- which is also a form of freedom. For, as Tocqueville argued, it is the nature of governments to seek constantly to enlarge their sphere of action…a democratic government increases its power simply by the fact of its permanence (p. 294).

Our dependency on government is reflected in recent calls from nearly every state for the federal government to bail out their fiscal irresponsibility or shortfalls. And it is seen in our growing concerns about saving Social Security- a dependence on government rather than self at retirement. In addition to the Social Security Act of 1935, American dependence on government is seen in the 1943 Current Tax Payment Act, the 1958 National Defense Education Act, the 1965 Elementary and Secondary Education Act, Medicare, and a growing array of governmental regulatory programs, databases, and such. Of course, Americans are told that these endless regulations and programs are for their good- and maybe in ways they are; meanwhile, our working income, retirement income, health care, children’s education, privacy and autonomy are increasingly regulated by governmental control (see Twight, 2002).

The expansion of government, thought Tocqueville, would result in a species of oppression that would be unlike anything that ever before existed in the world, a rule by guardians rather than tyrants (Twight, 2002). Furthermore, while writing about the type of despotism that democratic nations needed to fear, Tocqueville noted that Americans would be tempted to submit to an immense and tutelary power, which takes upon itself alone to secure the gratification and to watch over their fate. He was right. Couple the beginnings of a welfare state in the New Deal (Elder, 2002) with the Supreme Court decisions to recast the Bill of Rights and engage in government by judiciary (Berger, 1997), and you have the makings of a government of “wolves,” as Jefferson would have put it (Sheldon, 1998). These wolves feed on our willingness- and in some ways our legitimate need to increasingly look to government, not God, as the grantor of life, liberty, safety, security, equality and, ultimately, our very happiness. That is the nature of government, by making itself indispensable, it creates an ever-increasing need for itself.

In conclusion, our lives are increasingly dependent upon federal and state governments; this worries me. While there are legitimate ways that government should serve the needs of citizens, too much government regulation guarantees a decline in true freedoms and personal earnings. Excessive government control can even lead to totalitarian-like measures, such as those alleged in the now evolving and recently reported Patriot Act II. According to Robyn Blumner (2003), the Patriot Act II would give the U.S. attorney general the power to deport any foreign national, even people who are legal permanent residents, if he believes they would negatively affect our national security. No crime need be asserted, no proof offered. It would authorize secret arrests in terrorism investigations- as a way to overturn a court order requiring the release of names of the Sept.11 detainees. And it would strip citizenship from Americans for any political associations with groups the attorney general designates as terrorist.

While some individuals may take a degree of comfort from these potential laws, their eventual enforcement will not guarantee our safety, prevent injustice, or diminish the antagonism and division that already defines- and seeks to destroy America; an abundance of laws do not make up for a dearth of moral thinking and behavior in society (the Columbine murderers broke almost two hundred existing gun laws). Little wonder President Hinckley warned church members in a recent Spanish Fork and Salem Utah Regional Conference at Brigham Young University (February 16, 2003) that the these are perilous times, both politically and economically; forces of evil wash across us like a flood. More challenges are ahead, he warned, and added, “We may suffer a curtailment of our liberties.” And so he reminded us to pray, and promised that peace will sustain the true and faithful. Good thing; governments can’t promise as much. And unless the courts have changed this, our money still reads, “In GOD (not government) we trust.”

In my next article, I will continue to discuss government expansion and influence in our lives. Tocqueville warned long ago that the struggle between liberty and equality would result in a loss of freedoms for America. He was right. Calls for social justice, as a means of promoting educational (and other) fairness in America, will further the intrusion of government regulation and taxation into our lives. Social justice is a Marxist economical and social(ist) notion that is a core component of the relativist revolution in support of diversity in America. It is also the cornerstone of Multicultural Education arguments today.

References
Berger, Raoul (1997). Government by Judiciary: The transformation of the Fourteenth Amendment, 2d ed. (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund.

Blumner, Robyn (February 21, 2003). Draft of Second Patriot Act was leaked, exposed by a Justice Hero. Salt Lake Tribune, A19.

Elder, Larry (2002). Showdown. New York: St. Martin’s Press.

Hinckley, Gordon B. (February 16, 2003). Test Truth, President Hinckley Urges: Challenges lie ahead, LDS leader warned. Quoted by Roger L. Hardy, Deseret News, February 17, 2003, B3.

Sheldon, Garrett (1998). What would Jefferson say? New York: Perigee Books.

Tocqueville, Alexis de, Democracy in America, vol. 2, trans. Henry Reeve as revised by Francis Bowen, corrected and edited by Phillips Bradley. New York: Random House (1990).

Twight, Charlotte (2002). Dependent on D.C.: The rise of federal control over the lives of ordinary Americans. New York: St. Martins Press.

Williams, Walter (2000). Could they be elected today? Creators Syndicate, August 17.

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About the Author:

Jim Birrell is a professor of Teacher Education at Brigham Young University where he develops teacher certification programs for career-change teachers in urban settings, runs the BYU inner city student teaching program/partnership in Washington, D.C., establishes teacher preparation partnerships in various urban settings, and conducts research on preparing teachers for diverse learners. He has taught multicultural education for 9 years, and general teaching methods coursework. He is a published author and is currently serving as a Marriage and Family Relations teacher.
He received his Ed.D from University of Nevada, Las Vegas in Curriculum and Instruction. He has been married 25 years to the former Kristine Densley and is the father of three children.

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