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Culture Clips - November 15, 2005

Fuss and Feathers

"The indication is that we will see a return of the 1918 flu virus that is the most virulent form of flu," warns America's top health official. "In 1918, half a million people died. The projections are that this virus will kill one million Americans..."

A quotation ripped from today's papers about an impending "bird flu" pandemic? No, the year was 1976 and the prediction of a deadly "swine flu" overshot the mark by 999,999 deaths (although dozens did die from the vaccine campaign). That's something to remember amid the current alarms. Another is that we've been here before with the identical virus over which the feathers are now flying, avian influenza type H5N1, which first hit poultry flocks in 1997. "Race to Prevent World Epidemic of Lethal 'Bird Flu,'" and "Hong Kong 'Bird Flu' Could be the Next Big Outbreak," blared the headlines then. The world death toll from that "wave"? Six. And let's not forget the outbreak of SARS (severe acute respiratory syndrome) two years ago, which led to 750 stories in the New York Times and Washington Post — one per death worldwide, as it turned out. The 71 U.S. cases of SARS, which resulted in zero deaths, did not "Overwhelm U.S. Health System," as CNN had predicted.

None of which is to say there won't be another flu pandemic. There were three in the last century, after all. But that gives us absolutely no idea when the next will come, nor whether it will be any relative of H5N1, nor what its impact will be. Two of those 20th-century pandemics weren't particularly severe, while the other was catastrophic. (Pandemic, by the way, does not mean "deadly epidemic" — it means "worldwide epidemic.")

What we can say with confidence is that there is never such a thing as helpful hysteria. And the line between informing the public and starting a panic is being crossed every day now by politicians, public health officials, and journalists.

Michael Fumento
Weekly Standard
http://www.weeklystandard.com/
Content/Public/Articles/000/000/006/349zwhbe.asp

Left, Right, Wrong

Do you believe something can be wrong and constitutional at the same time? Or do you think that something can be right and unconstitutional?

This is the fundamental question separating the 'left' and 'right' on judges ... Conservatives, God love 'em, think the Constitution means something, which is a nice way of saying it doesn't mean everything. ...

But the proponents of a living constitution don't want to get bogged down arguing about the meaning of the Constitution; they want to argue about right and wrong. ... This is why liberal justices are now fishing for precedents in foreign countries, because they can't find what they need in actual precedent or text.

These justices are lawyering themselves right out of a job. Because if the Supreme Court is there to decide what's right and wrong, rather than what's constitutional or unconstitutional, then we don't need lawyers on the bench at all.

Jonah Goldberg
National Review
http://www.washtimes.com/culture/20051109-115327-4066r.htm

The Waning Movement

The perpetually petulant Maureen Dowd is in a funk about the waning influence of the feminist movement. In a recent, lengthy New York Times Magazine article, she imagines a bleak future for young women — in particular those who opt to be wives and mothers: “With no power or money or independence, they'll be mere domestic robots, lasering their legs and waxing their floors — or vice versa — and desperately seeking a new Betty Friedan.”

Yet Dowd ignores the key difference that separates today’s young women from earlier generations. Choice. It’s distressing to be forced to play a role you don’t want, but freely choosing that same role is not a cause for lamentation.

Betty Friedan’s Feminine Mystique resonated with many women in 1963 because they felt as though others defined them. There were few socially acceptable options for women other than homemaking or a career in female-friendly fields, such as teaching or nursing. Many women were unhappy with these restrictions and welcomed societal changes that made it easier for them to pursue alternatives.

Today, however, women have nearly limitless options and opportunities. They regularly enter and excel in fields that only a few decades ago were dominated by men. And more changes are coming. Young women outnumber men at colleges and universities, and earn more than half of bachelors and master’s degrees, as well as a growing portion of degrees in medicine, business, and law.

With all the choice that education affords, what are women electing to do? While many fan out into all areas of the economy, many still prefer to stay home and raise a family.

This preference periodically is covered as big news. This fall, the New York Times reported a survey of Yale students that found that most women expected to scale back careers, either by working part time or not at all, once children enter the picture. The lives the respondents expected tracked with the choices of their predecessors, now in their 30s and 40s. Surveys of Yale and Harvard Business School alumni reveal that many high-performing women stop or cut back on working during prime child-rearing years.

Carrie Lukas
National Review Online
http://www.nationalreview.com/
comment/lukas200511110820.asp

Judge Alito and the First Amendment

What would Samuel Alito's confirmation mean for First Amendment law? It's impossible to be sure, but his appeals court opinions give us some clues. A Justice Alito would likely take a pretty broad view of free speech protections; support religious exemptions from some generally applicable laws; uphold evenhanded benefit programs that include both religious and secular institutions; and uphold the use of religious symbolism by the government.

Church-state relations. Unlike free speech and free exercise, Supreme Court decisions involving the establishment clause have recently split more predictably down conservative-liberal lines. Chief Justice Rehnquist and Justices Scalia, Kennedy and Thomas have reasoned that government funding of programs may evenhandedly include religious institutions alongside secular institutions, and that the government's own speech may include religious symbolism, at least when it's generically monotheistic rather than specifically Christian.

Justices Stevens, Souter and Ginsburg have taken the opposite views. Justices Breyer and, especially, O'Connor have been swing votes, leaving the law not fully settled. Last year's Ten Commandments cases, which upheld one display and struck down another, are the result.

It seems likely that a Justice Alito would give the conservatives a majority on issues involving funding and display. His lower court opinions fairly apply the rather vague Supreme Court precedents, reaching results that the court's conservatives would have reached, but that swing-voter Justice O'Connor would also likely have come to — for instance upholding a holiday display that included both religious and secular symbols.

He also seems to conclude that equal treatment of religious institutions is not establishment, for instance holding that religious groups may have the same access as secular groups to public school bulletin boards. And he seems to lean toward viewing religious speech by the government — part of a longstanding American tradition — as constitutionally permissible, too.

Eugene Volokh
Opinion Journal
http://www.opinionjournal.com/extra/?id=110007545

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